10,000 on ignore, Book 198, Gethsemane, Part 1.....

Ten Thousan Marbles

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A Maryland man accused of killing his pharmacist brother, his sister-in-law and an 83-year-old woman told his mother he wanted to "confront" his brother over "him administering COVID vaccines," according to charging documents obtained from Howard County District Court.

Jeffrey Allen Burnham, 46, also allegedly told a tipster "that his brother was 'killing people with the COVID shot,'" according to the statement of charges obtained by CNN affiliate WBAL.

Burnham's mother called the Cumberland Police Department over her son's "mental stability" on September 29, according to the charging documents filed in Allegany County obtained by WBAL. That was the same day Cumberland Police found the body of 83-year-old Rebecca Reynolds. They said her car was missing.

On September 30, the Howard County Police Department said they were searching for Burnham in connection with the shooting deaths of his brother, 58-year-old Brian Robinette, and his sister-in-law Kelly Sue Robinette, 57, whose bodies were found that day in their Ellicott City home.

Burnham was arrested October 1 in Davis, West Virginia.

Burnham was booked into the Allegany County Detention Center on October 5 where he is being held on charges of first degree murder and unlawful taking of a motor vehicle in connection with the Reynolds case, jail records show.

Rebecca Reynolds' car was found near the Robinettes' home, the charging documents say, and the couple's Corvette was missing.

Burnham is charged with two counts each of murder in the first and second degree, as well as the use of a handgun in the commission of a crime in the Robinettes' deaths, according to the statement of charges.

CNN contacted the Allegany County Public Defender's Office and the Allegany County State's Attorney's Office for comment, but did not immediately receive a response.
 

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Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer announced Thursday morning that a deal has been reached for an extension of the nation's debt ceiling through early December, a major breakthrough to avert economic disaster that comes after weeks of partisan deadlock over how to resolve the issue.

"We have reached agreement to extend the debt ceiling through early December and it's our hope that we can get this done as soon as today," Schumer said in floor remarks.

The announcement comes a day after Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell publicly floated a proposal to avert a crisis, which sparked negotiations between the two parties to reach an agreement. Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen has warned lawmakers that the federal government will likely run out of cash by October 18 unless Congress raises the debt ceiling.

This story is breaking and will be updated.
 

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The House committee investigating the January 6 attack on the US Capitol issued a new round of subpoenas on Thursday, targeting two leaders of the "Stop the Steal" group, Ali Alexander and Nathan Martin, who are also affiliated with the planning of the Washington, DC, rally that was a precursor to the attack.

In addition to seeking depositions from Alexander and Martin, the committee is requesting records from both individuals as well as Stop the Steal LLC, the organization affiliated with the event.

The subpoenas give Alexander and Martin until October 21 for the deadline to turn over documents and October 28 and 29 as days for deposition respectively. The committee asks the custodian of records for the group to turn over documents by October 14.

Alexander has previously claimed that they worked closely with Republican congressmen in planning the rally at the Capitol on January 6. In several Periscope videos in December, Alexander said that he was in contact with Republican Reps. Paul Gosar of Arizona, Mo Brooks of Alabama and Andy Biggs of Arizona about the rally that preceded the riot. CNN has previously reached out to the offices of the three congressman, but only Biggs responded, with a statement from a spokesperson denying that he worked in any way with Alexander or any protestors.

"According to press reports, in the weeks before the January 6th attack, you made repeated reference during Stop-the-Steal-sponsored events to the possible use of violence to achieve the organization's goals and claimed to have been in communication with the White House and Members of Congress regarding events planned to coincide with the certification of the 2020 Electoral College results," the committee writes in their subpoena to Alexander.

In letters to both individuals, the committee states it is seeking more information about the permit they were involved in obtaining for a rally to be held on the Capitol Complex on January 6. The committee notes that Nathan Martin's phone number and email address were listed as the contact information for the permit requested and the listed mailing address was the same address provided on Alexander's personal website.

The committee also outlines how Martin claimed to not have any information regarding the rally in a phone call with a US Capitol Police official on or about December 28, 2020, and instead directed the USCP official to the vendor of the event. But, the committee reports that according to the Capitol Police official the vendor was "shocked" to learn of Martin's denial because the vendor was in "daily communication" with Martin about the event.

"The rally on the Capitol grounds on January 6th, like the rally near the White House that day, immediately preceded the violent attack on the seat of our democracy," said Democratic Rep. Bennie Thompson of Mississippi, chairman of the select committee. "Over the course of that day, demonstrations escalated to violence and protestors became rioters. The Select Committee needs to understand all the details about the events that came before the attack, including who was involved in planning and funding them. We expect these witnesses to cooperate fully with our probe."


This latest batch of subpoenas comes after the committee had already targeted 11 organizers of the "Stop the Steal" rally with subpoenas, and on the same day that the four of former President Donald Trump's closest allies are due to turn over documents to the committee.
 

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Internal review shows Trump’s DHS concocted bogus intelligence blaming antifa for violence
David Neiwert

We knew at the time that Donald Trump sent an army of contracted goons from the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) in to the city of Portland, Oregon, in the summer of 2020 to arrest citizens protesting against police brutality—summarily sweeping people off the street on the pretext of a kind of preventative arrest based on groundless speculation that they were “antifa” conspiring to “burn down our cities,” as Trump put it—that it was an outrage against the Constitution and the rule of law.

What we didn’t know (and an internal DHS review that only surfaced this week reveals) was that it was also an extraordinary exercise in authoritarian incompetence. It demonstrates that senior DHS leadership pushed unfounded conspiracy theories about antifascists, encouraged the contractors they hired to violate protesters’ constitutional rights, and made spurious connections, based on no real evidence, between protesters who engaged in criminal activity. It also revealed poor training and inadequate guidance, which contributed to the federal intelligence officers’ lack of knowledge on legal restrictions for the collection of such information, and turned the entire operation into a massive mess.
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“The report was a stunning analysis of the incompetence and mismanagement and abuse of power during the summer of 2020,” Oregon Sen. Ron Wyden, who released a redacted version of the document Friday, told Oregon Public Broadcasting.

Originally released on Jan. 6—and its contents subsequently overlooked due to that day’s events—the internal review focused on DHS’s Office of Intelligence and Analysis (I/A). It found that senior DHS leaders attempted to politicize intelligence in order to support Trump’s claims that a massive “antifa” conspiracy was behind the many anti-police protests around the nation, but particularly so in Portland. The same leaders pressured subordinates to illegally search phones, and when legal staff objected, sought to cut them out of the discussion.

A team of open source intelligence collectors, tasked with analyzing information obtained from public sources, also created dossiers on protesters and journalists—which they called “baseball cards”—despite having no clear connections to domestic terrorism or security threats.

“The report documents shocking, coordinated efforts by our government to abuse its power and to invade liberty in violation of the Constitution,” said Oregon federal public defender Lisa Hay. “In Portland, we were concerned that the government unconstitutionally collected information, including through the illegal search of protestors’ cellphones last summer. This report confirms that was their intent.”

Over the course of the summer, between June 4 and Aug. 31, DHS sent at least 755 officers—from agencies that ranged from Federal Protective Service to U.S. Customs and Border Protection, as well as U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, Secret Service, and U.S. Department of Homeland Security’s Office of Intelligence and Analysis personnel—to Portland, tasked with protecting the city’s downtown federal courthouse. The building had come under regular attack during nightly social justice protests that arose initially from the murder of George Floyd by a Minneapolis police officer in late May.

The Floyd protests were an international phenomenon, spreading to over 2,000 cities and towns, occurring in all 50 states as well as in over 60 other countries. Demonstrators turned out en masse to support those seeking justice for Floyd and the wider Black Lives Matter movement, and standing up against police brutality. Most of these protests lasted one or two days; however, in Portland, where police brutality issues had taken on an extraordinary edge, the protests became a daily affair—one that eventually surpassed 100 consecutive days.

By early July, most of the protests had become quiet and nonviolent, with only sporadic violence and vandalism, with the notable exception of an arson attack on the federal courthouse downtown—which is about the time that DHS agents began showing up, wearing anonymous military gear, arresting protesters on the streets, and spiriting them away in unmarked vans.

Over the next few nights, they clashed with protesters in the area around the courthouse, using flashbangs and munitions to disperse the crowds. One protester was shot in the forehead by an “impact weapon” round that caused him brain damage. Another protester—a Navy veteran who was attempting to speak with the DHS officers—was brutally beaten with batons, breaking his hand.

That was when the scene exploded. On the night of July 24, thousands of Portlanders took to the streets to protest the arrests. The protest was entirely peaceful—drum circles, groups of teachers and nurses, a marching band, a “Wall of Moms” wearing yellow shirts—until the DHS officers began unleashing tear gas on the crowd. A brigade of “fathers” arrived with leaf blowers and blew the gas back at the officers.

The escalated protests continued nightly. DHS officials called the protests “criminal violence perpetrated by anarchists targeting city and federal properties.” It brought in reinforcements on July 28, even though many of these officers lacked proper training, and both Mayor Ted Wheeler and Gov. Kate Brown—along with both of the state’s senators—demanded the DHS police be withdrawn. Eventually, they negotiated a phased withdrawal, and the DHS arrests ceased.

It was shortly apparent that the right-wing attempt to make “antifa” and Black Lives Matter into bogeymen responsible for the protest violence was utterly bogus. An Associated Press review of the arrest documents from the summer’s protests showed that most of the people taken into custody were not left-wing radicals and had no ties to larger movements. It had already been clear for months that “antifa” was not responsible for the violence—which in many instances appeared in fact to have been instigated by police pushing back on protesters. This didn’t prevent Trump from declaring on Twitter that he intended to have antifa designated a terrorist organization, though in fact he lacked the statutory power to do so.

The internal review at DHS conducted afterward revealed that the push for concocting intelligence about antifa intended to fit this narrative came from the top. Though the names are redacted, it is safe to assume that Chad Wolf, the DHS unconfirmed “acting secretary,” was particularly involved, since he made numerous public statements at the time that mirror the shape of the discussions with the agency.

At the time the protests broke out, Wolf appeared on Fox News with Tucker Carlson and announced that the Department of Justice had plans “targeting and investigating the head of these organizations, [and] the individuals that are paying for these individuals to move across the country.”

Trump himself appeared on Fox with Laura Ingraham and claimed that “people that are in the dark shadows” are “controlling the streets” of Democratic cities. When Ingraham warned him that he sounded like he was promoting a conspiracy theory, he doubled down with a pitch-perfect rendition of the “evil antifa thug” caricature central to the narrative attacking the movement.

“We had somebody get on a plane from a certain city this weekend, and in the plane it was almost completely loaded with thugs wearing these dark uniforms, black uniforms, with gear and this and that,” he claimed.

The DHS internal review found that Wolf and his immediate underlings at I/A pushed staffers to describe the protests as “Violent Antifa Anarchist Inspired” (VAAI) actions—an entirely new category that had no evidentiary support or background.

“You could see where this VAAI definition was coming from a mile away,” a career analyst is quoted saying in the report. “He got tired of [Redacted Name] telling him they did not have the reporting and he was convinced it was ANTIFA so he was going to fix the problem by changing what the collectors were reporting.”
An email was sent to DHS senior leaders “instructing them that henceforth, the violent opportunists in Portland were to be reported as VAAI, unless the intel ‘show[ed]...something different.”

The report says that the DHS leadership “did make other attempts to controvert the collection-analysis processm,” pointing particularly to the push for VAAI designations. One memo from the same leader posited that “we have overwhelmingly intelligence regarding the ideologies driving individuals toward violence,” but the analysts responded with factual reality: “In fact, overwhelming intelligence regarding the motivations or affiliations of the violent protesters did not exist,” the report says. “Indeed, the review team could not identify any intelligence that existed to support [Redacted Name]’s assertion.”

Wolf and his team even concocted an analytical framework for the protests—claiming that there are four distinct phases in which they develop—that appeared to have been pulled from their nether regions, and then required analysts to work overtime to come up with evidence to support it and put it into a report which then went utterly ignored:

A second example of the manner in which [Redacted Name] turned analysis upside down was his dictate regarding the “Four Phases of Protest.” Apparently, [Redacted Name] came to the conclusion sometime after George Floyd’s death and the subsequent protests that four phases of protest exist, and he wanted to say, at least temporarily, whether a protest was in a particular phase, and the indicators of that phase. As with the VAAI term, [Redacted Name] devised this idea about phases of protest on his own. From the analysts’ perspective, the problem was that they were typically asked to investigate a question, not given a conclusion and told to write a paper to support it. In this case, [Redacted Name] gave the analysts four phases and told them to find support for his proposition. Aggravating the task, they were given 48 hours over a weekend so the paper could be sent to state and local partners. … At any rate, the paper was sent to state and local officials, where it was greeted like “a tree that fell in the forest that no one heard.”

The review also noted that Federal Protective Services officers requested assistance from DHS’s Homeland Identities Targeting and Exploitation Center to search protesters’ cellphones. The latter team found the searches were illegal, and resisted pressure from senior Homeland Security leaders to assist in the searches.

And then there were the “baseball cards.” These dossiers were compiled by freshly hired collections analysts who targeted people arrested during the protest and suspected of having “antifa” or BLM connections. The internal review found that out of the 48 reports provided, 13 of them involved people accused of non-violent offenses, such as trespassing or failing to comply with an order, with no clear tie to any national security threat or mission. One “baseball card” report focused on a person who was arrested and accused of flying a drone and identified on social media as a journalist.

Republicans took the bogus narrative and functionally made it an official one widely believed across the country—namely, that “antifa and BLM burned down cities across the nation”—and have even used it to justify the Jan. 6 Capitol insurrection. At congressional hearings, they have even tried to claim that examples of lethal violence, such as the slaying of an FPS officer in Oakland, by far-right extremists was the product of “antifa” radicals.

The narrative also was primarily responsible for the failures by both DHS and other federal law-enforcement agencies, notably the FBI, to adequately take the very real and building threat of white-nationalist terrorism seriously. The result, in fact, unleashed a plague of far-right violence that reached a high-tide mark on Jan. 6, but which has still not receded.

“This was a textbook example of what happens when you send people in with a political agenda, inadequate training, and no real effort to correct the kind of problems that showed up early,” Wyden told OPB. “This was about politics. We know that Donald Trump tried to say again and again, ‘Portland is really the problem.’ And he would never really focus on the fact that his people, were basically okaying, for example, the use of tear gas near a school in our community.”
 

Ten Thousan Marbles

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Travis McMichael is actively trying to keep his Confederate vanity plate out of his murder trial
Lauren Floyd

The white father-son pair accused of murdering Ahmaud Arbery along with one other white man is seeking to ban from the trial a photo of a vanity plate that was on one of the accused murderer’s trucks at the time of the shooting. That plate includes a Confederate emblem belonging to Travis McMichael, NBC News reported after obtaining a motion filed by attorneys for both Travis and his father Gregory McMichael.

The McMichaels claimed in their motion filed Sept. 30 seeking to ban the photo that the state’s goal is to "draw the conclusion the Mr. Arbery saw the vanity plate, that he interpreted its meaning, and that he feared the occupants in the truck because of this vanity plate, which is why he ran away from the truck." The McMichaels also claimed through their attorneys that the state intends to "create the inference that Travis McMichael placed the vanity plate on his truck in order to telegraph some reprehensible motive, bias, or prejudice, which is not true."....

5pmp19.jpg
 

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Senate extends debt ceiling through early December

The Senate voted to raise the nation's debt limit into December after Republicans joined Democrats in breaking a filibuster.

The House will next have to approve the measure before it can be sent to President Biden for his signature.

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These are the Republicans who voted to break the debt limit deal filibuster

Republicans joined Democrats to overcome a key procedural hurdle to extend the nation’s debt ceiling through early December and avoid a government default.

Here are the Republicans who voted with Democrats:
  • Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell
  • Sen. John Cornyn
  • Sen. John Barrasso
  • Senate Minority Whip John Thune
  • Sen. Roy Blunt
  • Sen. Susan Collins
  • Sen. Lisa Murkowski
  • Sen. Richard Shelby
  • Sen. Rob Portman
  • Sen. Shelley Moore Capito
  • Sen. Mike Rounds

 

Ten Thousan Marbles

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Documents from Dominion executive's defamation suit suggest Giuliani is in big trouble
Laura Clawson

Trump loyalists like Rudy Giuliani and Sidney Powell did not do the barest bit of research on the conspiracy theories they pushed in trying to overturn the 2020 elections, filings in a court case show. CNN saw more than 2,000 pages of documents in a defamation suit brought against Giuliani, Powell, the Trump campaign, and other conservatives by former Dominion Voting Systems executive Eric Coomer.

Among the gems in the documents: Before Giuliani stood up in the notorious trickling hair dye press conference in November 2020 and called Coomer “a vicious, vicious man” who “is completely warped. And he specifically says that they’re going to fix this election,” Giuliani estimates he spent less than an hour looking into the allegations against Coomer. In fact, to come up with a total time he spent on research, “you would have to take like three minutes here, two minutes here, five minutes here, two minutes here and then what does that equal,” Giuliani said in a deposition.
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What did Coomer supposedly do to steal the election from Donald Trump? “Exactly what role he played, I had no idea,” Giuliani said. “It's a big company, lots of people do different things. Was it his job just to announce it? Was it his job to carry it? I had no idea, nor was I particularly interested at that point.” But really, what did Coomer do? Giuliani “could guess but it would not be an educated guess,” he said.

Similarly, “I don't have a lot of specific knowledge about what Mr. Coomer personally did,” Powell said. “That would be the purpose of discovery in any proceeding that we filed, and we never got discovery in any proceeding that we filed.” (They did not get discovery because they kept getting thrown out of court for having not a leg to stand on.)

Here’s what Coomer did, according to a long New York Times profile: He was a Dominion executive who had posted a couple of anti-Trump things on Facebook, where he had just 300 or so friends and his privacy settings were locked down. Screenshots of those posts were sent to far-right podcaster Joe Oltmann, who claimed to have previously “infiltrated what he said was an antifa phone call and overheard someone—someone he claimed had been identified as Eric at Dominion—assure his supposed fellow antifa members that Trump would lose. ‘He responds—and I’m paraphrasing this, right?—“Don’t worry about the election, Trump is not going to win. I made effing sure of that,”’ Oltmann said.”

Coomer’s real Facebook posts were packaged with the fake phone call and from there, Trumpists sifted through every available detail of Coomer’s life to turn him into the archvillain of their imaginary stolen election. Besieged by death threats, he moved repeatedly and armed himself heavily. Newsmax, previously included in the lawsuit, has retracted its claims about Coomer and Dominion, apologized, and agreed to a settlement. But that doesn’t get Coomer back his job or his safety, which were compromised based on less than an hour of research and not even an educated guess by Rudy Giuliani.
 

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The Nobel Peace Prize has been awarded to journalists Maria Ressa and Dmitry Muratov for their efforts to safeguard freedom of expression in the Philippines and Russia.

Ressa is the CEO of Rappler, a news outlet critical of Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte's regime, while Muratov heads the independent Russian newspaper Novaya Gazeta.

"Free, independent and fact-based journalism serves to protect against abuse of power, lies and war propaganda," Berit Reiss-Andersen, chair of the Norwegian Nobel Committee, said as she announced the prize in Oslo on Friday.

She said the committee's choice "is intended to underscore the importance of protecting and defending these fundamental rights.".......
 
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Ten Thousan Marbles

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.....It began when Republican Governor Brad Little decided to go to the southern border so he could criticize the president on TV with a clutch of other Republican governors. Little has a border far closer to his home, but a trip to the southern border is part of the Stations of the Republican Cross these days, so Little left for Texas, leaving the state in the hands of Lieutenant Governor Janice McGeachin. And that’s where our drama begins.

First, McGeachin tried to send Idaho National Guard units to the border, an order that Little countermanded from, you know, the border. The head of the Idaho National Guard also told McGeachin to pound sand......
 
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